All posts by djmoore

Tallyriffic Northern Assembly Prediction

Following countless hours of looking through polls, polls and more polls, Tallyriffic is going to make the following prediction….

PARTY
%
+/-
SEATS
+/-
SINN FEIN
26%
2
26
-1
DEMOCRATIC UNIONISTS
19%
-9
21
-7
ALLIANCE
16%
+7
13
+5
ULSTER UNIONISTS
13%
11
+1
S.D.L.P.
10%
-2
9
-3
Other Unionists
8%
+3
6
+4
Others
8%
+2
4
+1

This would equate to an advance for the middle-ground (in the form of Alliance) although given their poll ratings they might hope for a few more seats over the 13. Sinn Féin would cede 2 seats, but emerge as the largest party (with all that entails) while the Social Democratic and Labour party would cede 3 seats, partially due to losing votes and partially due to being overtaken by Alliance who tend to transfer well to the SDLP. The Democratic Unionist Party would lose nearly a third of their vote and a quarter of their seats, with the main beneficiaries being Traditional Unionist Voice who seem poised to make a breakthrough. The Ulster Unionist Party remain grounded on 13% although they are forecast to make a seat gain.

Below I’m going to look at each of the counties (and Belfast) in turn….

Continue reading Tallyriffic Northern Assembly Prediction

Dublin Bay North – What a (possible) Carve-Up!

Recently the Phoenix published an article about the possible ramifications of the census – in particular population growth – on the redrawing of boundaries when figures become available. This is particularly pertinent because of the current constitutional requirement that there be that ratio of TDs to population be no more than 1:30,000 – which limit we were only just under in 2016. The population growth since then probably means that up to 10 extras seats will be required.

I’m going to take – roughly – the possible redrawing of boundaries proscribed by the Phoenix article, and look at the possible outcomes in the two putative constituencies – which I’m calling Dublin North Central and Dublin Fingal South – that would arise from the ashes of Dublin Bay North.

Continue reading Dublin Bay North – What a (possible) Carve-Up!

USA latest Presidential Poll Average

The current Poll Average in the US Presidential Election shows Biden nearly 8% ahead of Trump – this is an increase of 1% over a week. An election held on these figures would suggest that Biden would take 352 votes and Trump 186 – this represents North Carolina’s 15 Electoral College votes moving into Biden’s camp.

The following states and districts which Trump won last time would flip to Biden : Michigan, North Carolina, Pennsylvania, Florida, Wisconsin, Ohio, Arizona and Nebraska 2nd.

A big caveat is that Trump remains competitive in most of the states listed above (ie he’s less than 5% behind Biden) so theoretically he could win the Electoral Vote despite losing the Popular Vote by 2 or 3%.

STATE ECVs 2016 VOTE 1st September SWING
OVERALL CLINTON +2% BIDEN +7.5% BIDEN +3%
Iowa 6 TRUMP +9½% TRUMP +1% BIDEN +4%
Texas 38 TRUMP +9% TRUMP +½% BIDEN +4½%
Ohio 18 TRUMP +8% BIDEN -1½% BIDEN +5%
Georgia 16 TRUMP +5% TRUMP +2½% BIDEN +1½%
North Carolina 15 TRUMP +3½% BIDEN +2½% BIDEN +3%
Arizona 11 TRUMP +3½% BIDEN +6% BIDEN +4½%
Florida 29 TRUMP +1% BIDEN +3½% BIDEN +2½%
Wisconsin 10 TRUMP +1% BIDEN +4½% BIDEN +2½%
Pennsylvania 20 TRUMP +½% BIDEN +4% BIDEN +2.5%
Michigan 16 TRUMP +<½% BIDEN +3½% BIDEN +2%
New Hampshire 4 CLINTON +½% BIDEN +6% BIDEN +3%
Minnesota 10 CLINTON +1½% BIDEN +4½% BIDEN +1½%
Maine 10 CLINTON +3½% BIDEN +12% BIDEN +4½%

Continue reading USA latest Presidential Poll Average

USA latest Presidential Poll Average

The current Poll Average in the US Presidential Election shows Biden nearly 7% ahead of Trump. An election held on these figures would suggest that Biden would take 337 votes and Trump 201.

polldraw USA Overall 25th Aug 2020

The following states and districts which Trump won last time would flip to Biden : Michigan, Pennsylvania, Florida, Wisconsin, Ohio, Arizona and Nebraska 2nd.

A big caveat is that Trump remains competitive in all of the states listed above (ie he’s less than 5% behind Biden) so theoretically he could win the Electoral Vote despiting losing the Popular Vote by 2 or 3%.

STATE ECVs 2016 VOTE 25th August SWING
OVERALL CLINTON +2% BIDEN +7% BIDEN +2½%
Iowa 6 TRUMP +9½% TRUMP +2% BIDEN +3½%
Texas 38 TRUMP +9% TRUMP +1% BIDEN +4%
Ohio 18 TRUMP +8% BIDEN +½% BIDEN +4½%
Georgia 16 TRUMP +5% TRUMP +1% BIDEN +2%
North Carolina 15 TRUMP +3½% TRUMP +1½% BIDEN +1%
Arizona 11 TRUMP +3½% BIDEN +½% BIDEN +2%
Nebraska #2 1 TRUMP +2% BIDEN +2½% BIDEN +2½%
Florida 29 TRUMP +1% BIDEN +2% BIDEN +1½%
Wisconsin 10 TRUMP +1% BIDEN +2½% BIDEN +1½%
Pennsylvania 20 TRUMP +½% BIDEN +3% BIDEN +2%
Michigan 16 TRUMP +<½% BIDEN +2½% BIDEN +1½%
New Hampshire 4 CLINTON +½% BIDEN +5% BIDEN +2½%
Minnesota 10 CLINTON +1½% BIDEN +3½% BIDEN +1%
Nevada 10 CLINTON +1½% BIDEN +6% BIDEN +2½%
Maine 10 CLINTON +3½% BIDEN +11% BIDEN +4%
Maine 10 CLINTON +5% BIDEN +9½% BIDEN +2½%

Ireland Poll Average and Seat Predictions – 23/8/2020

Poll Average 23rd August 2020 - seats

The following is a table of possible vote results calculated using a time-weighted average of the last five opinion polls. To get the regional results, we similarly do a time-weighted average of the regional results in the last five opinion polls where such data is available and weight them to the overall average calculated above.

Area/Party FG SF FF GP LAB OTH IND
DUBLIN 36% +15 26% -1 7% -8 7% -5 5% -1 10% -2 9% +1
LEINSTER 36% +15 29% +3 16% -9 2% -4 5% 5% -2 7% -3
MUNSTER 30% +10 27% +7 14% -12 4% -2 5% 4% -1 16% -2
CONNAUGHT-ULSTER 36% +13 30% +3 15% -7 2% -3 1% 5% -1 11% -4
IRELAND 34% +13 28% +3 13% -9 4% -3 4% 6% -2 11% -1

This table shows how many seats each party would be likely to win in each region based on the regional swings. Full counts are processed in each constituency in many cases using localised transfer data

Area/Party FG SF FF GP LAB OTH IND
DUBLIN 16 +6 15 +5 1 -6 5 -3 1 -1 5 -3 2 +2
LEINSTER 17 +7 13 +2 7 -4 -2 2 2 2 -3
MUNSTER 18 +9 12 +4 4 -9 -2 2 -1 7 -1
CONNAUGHT-ULSTER 12 +5 9 +1 4 -3 4 -3
IRELAND 63 +28 49 +12 16 -22 5 -7 5 -1 7 -6 15 -4

DUBLIN

Despite their vote declining slightly on what they achieved in February, Sinn Féin could expect to gain up to 5 seats in Dublin due to the under-nomination of candidates in February – the most likely gains would be in Dublin Central, Dublin South-Central and Dublin Bay North.

Fianna Fáil – despite being on the same vote level as the Greens – would only take one seat (Dublin Fingal) compared to the latter’s five. There are probably several reasons for this – the Green vote is more highly concentrated in certain constituencies (those with significant middle-class areas), Fianna Fáil ran more candidates, and the Greens are more transfer-friendly.

It is arguable that in the next election – irregardless of their first count vote – the Greens will suffer on transfers due to their participation in this government. It is also conversely arguable that Fianna Fáil might actually at least benefit from a higher transfer rate from Fine Gael.

Fine Gael’s six gains seem comparatively modest given their massive vote increase – FG candidates were runners-up in Dublin Bay North, Dun Laoghaire (where they were not far off 3 out of 4), Dublin Fingal and Dublin Mid-West on the simulated constituency counts.

LEINSTER

Unlike elsewhere, Fianna Fáil losses in Dublin would be kept to a rate proportionate to their vote less – about a third. They would hold two seats in Carlow-Kilkenny, but on the other hand would be left with no seats in Wicklow and Meath East.

With a 15 point rise in their vote, Fine Gael would take seven extra seats, and wouldn’t be far off making two gains in Wicklow. Sinn Féin could be similarly close to taking 3 out of 5 in Louth, although they might find the necessary three-way vote management in a constituency with two geographically distant urban centres.

The Greens would lose both their seats. Labour would retain both theirs.

MUNSTER

Fine Gael’s vote gain might be slightly more modest here, but they would likely double their seats – including a double gain in Waterford.

By contrast Fianna Fáil would only come back with 4 of the 13. Quixotically enough, 2 of those 4 seats would be in Cork South-Central, where the constituency model predicts that the fall-off in the vote of the runner-up party (Greens) combined with the poor vote management of Fine Gael would – just about – allow FF to retain 2. Almost as quixotically, it predicts that FF (to the benefit of FG) would take no seat in Clare despite having a quota between the two candidates. Again the key to understanding this result is vote balance – having a tightly-balanced 2 person ticket is an advantage when you are fighting for two seats, but a disadvantage if you are fighting for one.

As in Leinster, the Greens would lose both their seats – and Labour would retain both theirs.

CONNAUGHT-ULSTER

Sinn Féin would probably take a third seat in Donegal – although it would not be a given. By contrast, they could lose their newly-won Galway-Roscommon seat due to the strength of the Independent vote and the Sinn Féin Surge.