I’ve done a time-weighted analysis of the last five Polls and using a Count Simulator have projected the outcomes as follows….
I’ve done a time-weighted analysis of the last five Polls and using a Count Simulator have projected the outcomes as follows….
I’ve done a time-weighted analysis of the last five Polls and using a Count Simulator have projected the outcomes as follows….
I’ve done a time-weighted analysis of the last five Polls and using a Count Simulator have projected the outcomes as follows….
The following is an analysis of the current bye-election in Dublin Bay South – looking at hard data such as transfer rates, historical voting trends and socio-economic voting patterns. Also I have a look at the interesting poll done by the Irish Times and MRBI.
I’ve done a time-weighted analysis of the last five Polls and using a Count Simulator have projected the outcomes as follows….
PARTY | VOTE | +/- | SEATS | +/- |
SINN FEIN | 32% | +7 | 59 | +22 |
FINE GAEL | 26% | +5 | 46 | +11 |
FIANNA FAIL | 16% | -6 | 23 | -15 |
GREENS | 4% | -3 | 5 | -7 |
LABOUR | 3% | -1 | 1 | -5 |
Others | 8% | -1 | 10 | -3 |
Inds | 10% | -2 | 16 | -3 |
The current Poll Average in the US Presidential Election shows Biden nearly 8% ahead of Trump – this is an increase of 1% over a week. An election held on these figures would suggest that Biden would take 352 votes and Trump 186 – this represents North Carolina’s 15 Electoral College votes moving into Biden’s camp.
The following states and districts which Trump won last time would flip to Biden : Michigan, North Carolina, Pennsylvania, Florida, Wisconsin, Ohio, Arizona and Nebraska 2nd.
A big caveat is that Trump remains competitive in most of the states listed above (ie he’s less than 5% behind Biden) so theoretically he could win the Electoral Vote despite losing the Popular Vote by 2 or 3%.
STATE | ECVs | 2016 VOTE | 1st September | SWING |
OVERALL | — | CLINTON +2% | BIDEN +7.5% | BIDEN +3% |
Iowa | 6 | TRUMP +9½% | TRUMP +1% | BIDEN +4% |
Texas | 38 | TRUMP +9% | TRUMP +½% | BIDEN +4½% |
Ohio | 18 | TRUMP +8% | BIDEN -1½% | BIDEN +5% |
Georgia | 16 | TRUMP +5% | TRUMP +2½% | BIDEN +1½% |
North Carolina | 15 | TRUMP +3½% | BIDEN +2½% | BIDEN +3% |
Arizona | 11 | TRUMP +3½% | BIDEN +6% | BIDEN +4½% |
Florida | 29 | TRUMP +1% | BIDEN +3½% | BIDEN +2½% |
Wisconsin | 10 | TRUMP +1% | BIDEN +4½% | BIDEN +2½% |
Pennsylvania | 20 | TRUMP +½% | BIDEN +4% | BIDEN +2.5% |
Michigan | 16 | TRUMP +<½% | BIDEN +3½% | BIDEN +2% |
New Hampshire | 4 | CLINTON +½% | BIDEN +6% | BIDEN +3% |
Minnesota | 10 | CLINTON +1½% | BIDEN +4½% | BIDEN +1½% |
Maine | 10 | CLINTON +3½% | BIDEN +12% | BIDEN +4½% |
The current Poll Average in the US Presidential Election shows Biden nearly 7% ahead of Trump. An election held on these figures would suggest that Biden would take 337 votes and Trump 201.
The following states and districts which Trump won last time would flip to Biden : Michigan, Pennsylvania, Florida, Wisconsin, Ohio, Arizona and Nebraska 2nd.
A big caveat is that Trump remains competitive in all of the states listed above (ie he’s less than 5% behind Biden) so theoretically he could win the Electoral Vote despiting losing the Popular Vote by 2 or 3%.
STATE | ECVs | 2016 VOTE | 25th August | SWING |
OVERALL | — | CLINTON +2% | BIDEN +7% | BIDEN +2½% |
Iowa | 6 | TRUMP +9½% | TRUMP +2% | BIDEN +3½% |
Texas | 38 | TRUMP +9% | TRUMP +1% | BIDEN +4% |
Ohio | 18 | TRUMP +8% | BIDEN +½% | BIDEN +4½% |
Georgia | 16 | TRUMP +5% | TRUMP +1% | BIDEN +2% |
North Carolina | 15 | TRUMP +3½% | TRUMP +1½% | BIDEN +1% |
Arizona | 11 | TRUMP +3½% | BIDEN +½% | BIDEN +2% |
Nebraska #2 | 1 | TRUMP +2% | BIDEN +2½% | BIDEN +2½% |
Florida | 29 | TRUMP +1% | BIDEN +2% | BIDEN +1½% |
Wisconsin | 10 | TRUMP +1% | BIDEN +2½% | BIDEN +1½% |
Pennsylvania | 20 | TRUMP +½% | BIDEN +3% | BIDEN +2% |
Michigan | 16 | TRUMP +<½% | BIDEN +2½% | BIDEN +1½% |
New Hampshire | 4 | CLINTON +½% | BIDEN +5% | BIDEN +2½% |
Minnesota | 10 | CLINTON +1½% | BIDEN +3½% | BIDEN +1% |
Nevada | 10 | CLINTON +1½% | BIDEN +6% | BIDEN +2½% |
Maine | 10 | CLINTON +3½% | BIDEN +11% | BIDEN +4% |
Maine | 10 | CLINTON +5% | BIDEN +9½% | BIDEN +2½% |
The following is a table of possible vote results calculated using a time-weighted average of the last five opinion polls. To get the regional results, we similarly do a time-weighted average of the regional results in the last five opinion polls where such data is available and weight them to the overall average calculated above.
Area/Party | FG | SF | FF | GP | LAB | OTH | IND |
DUBLIN | 36% +15 | 26% -1 | 7% -8 | 7% -5 | 5% -1 | 10% -2 | 9% +1 |
LEINSTER | 36% +15 | 29% +3 | 16% -9 | 2% -4 | 5% | 5% -2 | 7% -3 |
MUNSTER | 30% +10 | 27% +7 | 14% -12 | 4% -2 | 5% | 4% -1 | 16% -2 |
CONNAUGHT-ULSTER | 36% +13 | 30% +3 | 15% -7 | 2% -3 | 1% | 5% -1 | 11% -4 |
IRELAND | 34% +13 | 28% +3 | 13% -9 | 4% -3 | 4% | 6% -2 | 11% -1 |
This table shows how many seats each party would be likely to win in each region based on the regional swings. Full counts are processed in each constituency in many cases using localised transfer data
Area/Party | FG | SF | FF | GP | LAB | OTH | IND |
DUBLIN | 16 +6 | 15 +5 | 1 -6 | 5 -3 | 1 -1 | 5 -3 | 2 +2 |
LEINSTER | 17 +7 | 13 +2 | 7 -4 | -2 | 2 | 2 | 2 -3 |
MUNSTER | 18 +9 | 12 +4 | 4 -9 | -2 | 2 | -1 | 7 -1 |
CONNAUGHT-ULSTER | 12 +5 | 9 +1 | 4 -3 | 4 -3 | |||
IRELAND | 63 +28 | 49 +12 | 16 -22 | 5 -7 | 5 -1 | 7 -6 | 15 -4 |
DUBLIN
Despite their vote declining slightly on what they achieved in February, Sinn Féin could expect to gain up to 5 seats in Dublin due to the under-nomination of candidates in February – the most likely gains would be in Dublin Central, Dublin South-Central and Dublin Bay North.
Fianna Fáil – despite being on the same vote level as the Greens – would only take one seat (Dublin Fingal) compared to the latter’s five. There are probably several reasons for this – the Green vote is more highly concentrated in certain constituencies (those with significant middle-class areas), Fianna Fáil ran more candidates, and the Greens are more transfer-friendly.
It is arguable that in the next election – irregardless of their first count vote – the Greens will suffer on transfers due to their participation in this government. It is also conversely arguable that Fianna Fáil might actually at least benefit from a higher transfer rate from Fine Gael.
Fine Gael’s six gains seem comparatively modest given their massive vote increase – FG candidates were runners-up in Dublin Bay North, Dun Laoghaire (where they were not far off 3 out of 4), Dublin Fingal and Dublin Mid-West on the simulated constituency counts.
LEINSTER
Unlike elsewhere, Fianna Fáil losses in Dublin would be kept to a rate proportionate to their vote less – about a third. They would hold two seats in Carlow-Kilkenny, but on the other hand would be left with no seats in Wicklow and Meath East.
With a 15 point rise in their vote, Fine Gael would take seven extra seats, and wouldn’t be far off making two gains in Wicklow. Sinn Féin could be similarly close to taking 3 out of 5 in Louth, although they might find the necessary three-way vote management in a constituency with two geographically distant urban centres.
The Greens would lose both their seats. Labour would retain both theirs.
MUNSTER
Fine Gael’s vote gain might be slightly more modest here, but they would likely double their seats – including a double gain in Waterford.
By contrast Fianna Fáil would only come back with 4 of the 13. Quixotically enough, 2 of those 4 seats would be in Cork South-Central, where the constituency model predicts that the fall-off in the vote of the runner-up party (Greens) combined with the poor vote management of Fine Gael would – just about – allow FF to retain 2. Almost as quixotically, it predicts that FF (to the benefit of FG) would take no seat in Clare despite having a quota between the two candidates. Again the key to understanding this result is vote balance – having a tightly-balanced 2 person ticket is an advantage when you are fighting for two seats, but a disadvantage if you are fighting for one.
As in Leinster, the Greens would lose both their seats – and Labour would retain both theirs.
CONNAUGHT-ULSTER
Sinn Féin would probably take a third seat in Donegal – although it would not be a given. By contrast, they could lose their newly-won Galway-Roscommon seat due to the strength of the Independent vote and the Sinn Féin Surge.
The six-seat Tullow area was a new creation, but was largely similar to the area covered by the Tullow electoral areas which had existed before 2014.
Six sitting councillors contested – John Pender (FF), John Murphy and Brian O’Donoghue (FG), Willie Paton (LAB), Jim Deane (SF) and Charlie Murphy (IND).
NAME | PARTY | 1st Count | 8th Count | ELECTED |
John Pender | Fianna Fáil | 1446 | — | 1st Count |
Charlie Murphy | Independent | 1396 | — | 1st Count |
Brian O’Donoghue | Fine Gael | 858 | — | 4th Count |
William Paton | Labour | 782 | — | 4th Count |
John Murphy | Fine Gael | 697 | — | 7th Count |
Jim Deane | Sinn Féin | 561 | 795 | |
John MacDonald | Fianna Fáil | 430 | 833 | 8th Count |
Billy Nolan | Independent | 399 | — | |
Maria Ansbro | Fine Gael | 369 | — | |
Helena Byrne | Renua | 288 | — |
The first count saw the six outgoing Councillors placed take the first six positions with Jim Deane 131 votes ahead of John McDonald (FF). However, that advantage was entirely erased by the third count due to the distribution of Pender’s and Charlie Murphy’s surpluses. MacDonald took only 28% of his party colleague Pender’s surplus, but also took 16% of Murphy’s. Deane failed to take 10% of either.
The following graphs are based on demographic data taken from 7 opinion polls conducted between January and April 2018 – the Overall average is based on the last 4 opinion polls (conducted in March and April) where the individual demographic figures are weighted to that average.
Overall the Yes vote is at 51%, with the No Vote at 28% and Don’t Knows at 21%. If the Don’t knows split like they did in the Marriage Referendum, there would be a Yes Vote win by 55% to 45% – Dublin Voters (63% Yes), Young Voters (63%), Middle-Class voters (60%) and Labour Voters (65%) being strongly in favour. By Contrast, a majority of Connaught-Ulster voters (54% No), Older Voters (59%), Working-Class voters (51%), Farmers (61%) and Fianna Fáil voters (53%) would vote against the proposal.
In this graph, it can be seen that among Dublin voters who declare an intention Yes voters outnumber No voters by 3 to 1 – or a lead of 37%. By contrast, in Connaught-Ulster the Yes lead is only 12%.
This divide between Urban and Rural Ireland can be further seen here.
Yes is at over 50% amongst all parties bar Fianna Fail where the Yes vote enjoys a lead of only 8% – by contrast the Yes Vote enjoys a lead of 29% and 30% amongst Fine Gael and Sinn Féin supporters – who may be polar opposites socially and ideologically but seem to be on common ground on this issue at least.
According to the polls, the main divide is between those aged under 55 (where Yes enjoys a lead of over 30%) and those over 55% where the Yes and No vote is essentially tied.
Finally, the Yes vote has a 33% lead amongst Middle-Class voters, but only a 16% lead amongst working-class voters, and is actually behind amongst farmers.